If there is a town that can be considered as an intensive master’s degree in local politics in the Canary Islands, it is undoubtedly Puerto de la Cruz. A city that is a reference for world tourism, which pioneered what would later be known as the mass model from the 1960s onwards, although it had already been a destination for climate and health centuries ago. Despite being the smallest town on the island (9 kilometres), it embodies the visions, sensibilities, and social and economic contrasts typical of much larger cities.
However, these paradoxes are in contrast with the historical aspiration of being a cutting-edge and leading municipality that, despite various setbacks, has regained its prominent status in recent years, particularly amidst COVID. This position of regional spearhead has been accompanied by enduring political animosities, starting from 1995 with the first motion of censure. Since then, until this Friday, there have been three instances, all targeted against the PSOE. It is noteworthy that on this occasion, it involved the participation of a party supposedly leaning towards the left of social democracy (Asamblea Ciudadana Portuense, ACP), which, alongside CC, the customary censurers, returned the mayor’s seat to the PP.
Undoubtedly, the contact with tourists from advanced countries during the dictatorship era and the existence of numerous hotels and businesses, employing a significant workforce, helped in developing a robust working-class base from the 1960s onwards (although many came from neighbouring towns). This social structure in a city where power was highly concentrated in a few families during Franco’s regime blended with the local socialist tradition, beginning from the initial protests by fishermen in the early 20th century, the strikes in the banana plantations supported by the Port in the 1930s, the left-wing administrations in the Second Republic, and influential leaders since the return of democracy, like Paco Afonso, who served as mayor from 1979 to 1984 and tragically died in the fire in La Gomera in September 1984.
As a result, the PSOE managed to unite these currents and secured stable absolute majorities for 16 years (1979-95).
Afonso’s popularity and charisma were such that, despite being within the wave of Felipe González and PSOE in 1982, in the local elections of 1983, he won 17 out of 21 councillors (72% of the votes), a nearly unattainable feat since then, only replicated in municipalities like Gáldar (NC) or La Matanza (PSOE), among a handful of others. Upon his unfortunate demise, he was succeeded by his deputy, Félix Real, who, albeit less charismatic, maintained the absolute majorities until a faction within the party opted for a list renewal in 1995. They narrowly chose Salvador García, a journalist and councillor since 1979, over Real, spurring the latter to create Independientes del Puerto in 1999, although it failed to secure any seats. Eventually, Real rejoined the socialist ranks and even participated in a 2023 campaign event in support of Marco González, alongside former mayors Padrón and García.
Yet, despite the PSOE’s dominance, Félix Real himself narrowly avoided a censure during the 1987-1991 term. Following Afonso’s triumph in 1983, the PSOE’s council seats decreased from 17 to 12 (just one above the absolute majority), with Marcos Brito’s ATI-AIC winning 4, AP (later PP) entering with 3 councillors, CDS securing 1, and ICU, with Salvador Movilla (later part of IU), gaining another seat. Notably, councillors María del Mar Reyes and Paulino Yanes defected from the PSOE and were poised to topple the government alongside ATI, AP, and CDS. However, the plan was thwarted as the socialists managed to sway the CDS councillor, José Cruz, to their side.
While Puerto had a social democratic tradition, the wear and tear of 16 years in power, compounded by the national wave favouring the PP (which narrowly won the general elections in 1996), led to a decline in the PSOE’s outcome in 1995 (from 13 to 9). This paved the way for a change, eagerly anticipated by the right, some of whom advocated for a shift due to the perceived extremism arising from the long years of a single-party rule. Despite García’s dissatisfaction with the IU councillor, the PP (6) and CC (5) managed to forge an alliance. Though the PSOE was permitted a 28-day governance period, the pact between conservatives and nationalists was a cumbersome process, eventually untangled by a certain Paulino Rivero, the then internal leader of CC, at his residence in El Sauzal.
Significant blunder by the PP in 1995: conceding the mayorship to CC
Interestingly, Antonio Castro, the PP candidate and son of a Francoist mayor, chose to hand over the Mayor’s Office to Marcos Brito, reasoning that Brito’s experience in the role during the dictatorship was best suited for the new administration. Four years later, the PP’s seats dwindled from 6 to 2, while Brito’s tally surged from 5 to 8. The PSOE regained two seats and secured the last absolute majority to date in 1999, with 11 councillors, although Marco González came closest with 14 votes in 2023.
García never ceased to criticise the abrupt censure after a mere 28 days in office. However, while the motion engendered division and discontent among the populace, it also sparked euphoria and hope in some quarters, as is typical with such transitions, within a traditional stronghold of the PSOE that the right could not afford to squander. Brito was often noted (as validated by the results) to have garnered support from the extreme right and his alignment with ATI in the 80s was primarily to challenge the local socialist dominance following UCD’s demise, rather than due to insular or nationalist convictions post the transformation into CC.
The initial PP-CC coalition in Puerto de la Cruz faced several crises, although none proved definitive. Nonetheless, councillors like Minguillón (CC) admitted shortly after the accord that they might need to rely on the opposition. Alongside, the iconic MEP of AIC and CC, Isidoro Sánchez, and the ex-member of Ican, later a trusted associate of Rivero, Milagros Luis Brito, joined him in his group, alongside Sandra Rodríguez and Juan Carlos Marrero.
Following their triumphant sole governance from 1999 to 2003, the PSOE, particularly García, was confident of maintaining or even bolstering their absolute majority in 2003. However, there was a significant reversal as CC clinched 10 councillors, while the socialists dwindled to 8, marking one of their bleakest nights. Brito regained power alongside a diminished PP (3). This situation transpired in reverse in 2007 when Lola Padrón’s PSOE surged to 10 seats, with IU amassing 600 votes without securing a seat, underscoring the pivotal role played by the 2 PP councillors (Eva Navarro, a contentious candidate nominated by Cristina Tavío, and Luismi Rodríguez).
The maiden “unnatural” pact: PSOE and PP
What seemed improbable, almost inconceivable and “unnatural” (Brito’s favourite term, leaving us to ponder what his thoughts were on the matter), came to pass, with PSOE and PP forming an alliance. Brito’s extremist right-wing support base and alliance with ATI, albeit rooted in the discussion on local socialist hegemony after UCD’s demise, helped realise this partnership.
The current agreement, which many suspect occurred, came about due to the strong criticism towards Navarro and his team, including some members of the media. The PP was tired of feeling utilised by CC since the talks started in 2007. Despite opposition from CC and even within the Popular Party itself, the PSOE-PP government was established. Navarro even symbolically held a red rose outside the council after the plenary session, coincidentally on the day the first female mayor arrived. This pact required delicate handling to avoid unnecessary conflicts, agreeing not to bring national issues to the plenary that could split votes. Despite a rocky start, clashes between Padrón and Navarro arose. In October 2008, Padrón dismissed Navarro, leading to another censure in 2009 after Navarro’s departure. In 2011, CC dropped to 8 seats, PSOE to 6, and a pact was renewed with the PP at 4. After Brito’s death in 2014, Sandra Rodríguez took over. In 2015, González’s PSOE tied with Afonso’s PP at 7, with CC at 4. The regional CC-PSOE pact did not force a PSOE-CC government or censure in 2016, and the PP-CC agreement lasted four years. In 2019, González and the PP each gained 8 seats, while CC dropped to 2. The PSOE-ACP pact saw the PSOE close to obtaining an absolute majority. Recent history shows another censure in a deeply divided town, facing uncertainty but with positive economic indicators and a commitment from regional authorities to ensure the success of the new pact.
