In the Canary Islands, one of the municipalities that can be considered as an intensive master’s degree in local politics, especially in Tenerife, is the Port of the Cross. This city has been a pioneer in world tourism, exploring the mass tourism model since the 1960s, although it has been a destination for climate and health for centuries. Despite being the smallest town in the Islands (9 square kilometres), it encompasses visions, sensibilities, social, and economic contrasts typical of much larger cities.
These contradictions clash with the historical sense of being a pioneering and launch municipality that, despite some setbacks, has regained its leadership status intensely in recent years, especially during the Covid pandemic. However, this regional spearhead banner has been accompanied by enduring political bitterness, which has been strongly promoted and maintained since 1995, with the first motion of censure in history. Since then, there have been three censures, all against the PSOE, but it is noteworthy that this time, a party supposedly leaning to the left of social democracy (Asamblea Ciudadana Portuense, ACP), has participated, bringing back the mayor’s position to the PP along with CC, the traditional censurers.
Undoubtedly, the contact with advanced countries in tourism during the Franco dictatorship and the presence of numerous hotels and businesses with large workforces created a strong working-class social base from the 1960s onwards (many of whom came from nearby municipalities). This social structure in a city where power was concentrated in a few families during Franco’s regime was intertwined with the local socialist tradition stemming from the early 20th-century fishermen’s protests, the subsequent banana workers’ strikes in the 1930s, left-wing governments in the Second Republic, and influential local leaders since the restoration of democracy, such as Paco Afonso, who was mayor from 1979 to 1984 and died in a fire in La Gomera in 1984. As a result, the PSOE managed to consolidate stable absolute majorities for 16 years (from 1979 to 1995).
Afonso’s popularity and charisma were such that, despite the Felipe González and PSOE wave of 1982, in the 1983 local elections, he secured 17 of the 21 council seats (with 72% of the votes), a feat that has been unmatched since then and only replicated to that extent in a few municipalities like Gáldar with NC or La Matanza (PSOE). After his untimely death, he was succeeded by his deputy, Félix Real, who, though less charismatic, maintained absolute majorities until 1995 when a divided local group decided to rejuvenate the socialist image and narrowly chose Salvador García, a journalist and councillor since 1979, over Real, which led to internal discord. Subsequently, in 2011, she stood for Vecinos por el Puerto (winning 2 councillors, affecting Lola Padrón’s PSOE), but eventually returned to the socialist ranks and even attended a campaign event in 2023 in support of Marco González along with other former mayors like Padrón and Salvador García.
A failed precedent against Félix Real in the 1987-1991 term
Despite the PSOE’s dominance, Félix Real narrowly escaped a censure motion against the socialist mayor of El Puerto in the 1987-1991 term. After Afonso’s victory in 1983, the PSOE lost its majority from 17 to 12 councillors (just above the absolute majority), ATI-AIC led by Marcos Brito gained 4 seats, AP (later PP) entered with 3 councillors, the CDS secured 1, and ICU, represented by Salvador Movilla (later in IU), held one seat. However, councillors María del Mar Reyes and Paulino Yanes deserted the PSOE and were willing to oust the government alongside ATI, AP, and CDS since Movilla withdrew his support from Real. The attempt failed as the socialists managed to sway the CDS councillor, José Cruz, who later joined the PSOE.
Despite having a social democratic tradition, as seen in this unsuccessful attempt, 16 years in power can wear you down, especially when coupled with the national wave of the PP (which gained the mayor’s seat in the 1995 motion). During this time, the article continues to highlight the political landscape and dynamics of the Port of the Cross, making it a fascinating case study in local politics.
The Failure of the PP in El Puerto’s Political Landscape: CC Takes Control Despite Having More Councillors
The interesting turn of events, particularly damaging for the PP, was when Antonio Castro, their candidate and son of a mayor from the Franco era, opted to pass on the Mayor’s Office to Marcos Brito. This decision was influenced by Brito’s extensive experience in the position during the dictatorship era, serving as a councillor since 1972 under Franco’s rule and subsequently as mayor pre-democracy. Four years later, the PP dwindled from 6 to 2 councillors while Brito’s count rose from 5 to 8. The PSOE managed to regain two councillors and secured the final local absolute majority in 1999, with 11 councillors. (Marco González came close with 14 votes in 2023).
García expressed discontent over being ousted from office after just 28 days, yet the motion, although contentious, evoked a mixed response. It caused division, displeasure, and sorrow for some, while sparking euphoria and optimism in others, as is typical of such transitions. This shift was seen in the context of a longstanding stronghold of the PSOE that the right-wing could not afford to overlook. Brito was often credited (backed by results) for gathering votes from the far right and aligning with ATI in the 80s, not due to insular or nationalist beliefs, but as a strategic platform to challenge the local socialist dominance after the demise of the UCD.
The initial PP-CC coalition in Puerto de la Cruz faced several challenges, although none proved definitive. However, councillors like Minguillón (CC) acknowledged shortly after the pact that they may need to lean on the socialist opposition for support. His group included historical MEP of AIC and CC, Isidroro Sánchez, and former member of Ican turned trusted CC leader under Rivero, Milagros Luis Brito, along with Sandra Rodríguez and Juan Carlos Marrero.
Following their victory and solitary governance from 1999 to 2003, the PSOE, particularly García, was confident that in the 2003 local elections, they would maintain or bolster their absolute majority. However, a significant shift occurred as CC secured 10 councillors, the socialists dropped to 8 in one of their most dismal electoral nights, and Brito reclaimed power alongside a diminished PP. A reversal of fortunes transpired in 2007, when Lola Padrón’s PSOE climbed to 10 councillors (notably recalling the 600 votes IU garnered that year without gaining representation, which, had they been socialist votes, would have secured absolute representation). CC dwindled to 9 councillors, making the 2 PP councillors (Eva Navarro, a controversial candidate chosen by Cristina Tavío, and Luismi Rodríguez) pivotal.
The First “Unconventional” Coalition: PSOE and PP Join Forces Against Brito’s CC
What seemed inconceivable, almost far-fetched and “unconventional” (Brito’s preferred term, leaving one to speculate on his views regarding the current coalition), came to fruition. Driven by Brito’s scathing critique of Navarro and her team (including certain “media” figures) and the PP’s frustration at feeling manipulated by Marcos Brito’s CC, discussions between the PSOE and PP commenced post the 2007 election results. Despite pressure from CC at every level, including dissent from some local Popular Party members like Lope Afonso and Pedro González, who opposed the pact, an alliance between the PSOE and PP was forged. Eva Navarro even posed with a red rose outside the town hall on the day of the inauguration, a striking metaphor post the plenary session, marking the historic moment of Lola Padrón’s installment as the first female Mayor, with current Deputy of the Ombudsman, serving as her Deputy Mayor.
After reaching an agreement, significant changes were made that required extensive negotiations. To prevent any unnecessary conflicts, they agreed not to bring up national matters in the plenary session that could divide the vote and harm relations with a local politician who was on the brink of collapse, expressing his frustration openly in meetings, the media, and on a regular basis. Despite the initial success, issues arose after a few months, leading to disagreements between Padrón and Navarro, conflicts over public image, and controversial statements by key councillors, such as María Jesús Ferrer from the PSOE. It took nearly two years for the PP to persuade Navarro to step down, despite constant pressure from the local politician, with the aim of pushing for a second vote of no confidence against the PSOE to regain control of the Mayor’s Office. This transition was confirmed in 2009, following the conservatives’ departure from government in October 2008.
In 2011, CC’s representation decreased from 9 to 8, while the PSOE in Padrón recorded its lowest number of seats to date (6). The right-wing alliance was revived, with the PP now holding 4 seats. The unexpected passing of Brito in 2014 led to Sandra Rodríguez taking over as the acting leader, having served as the Treasury councillor for many years. However, in 2015, Marco González of the PSOE won the election by tying with Lope Afonso’s PP at 7 seats each, compared to CC’s 4 seats (marking the beginning of their decline in Los Realejos, where they secured only 1 seat). Despite the regional agreement between CC and PSOE, in Puerto, they failed to establish a joint government or pass a vote of no confidence, which was planned for 2016 but was thwarted by Juan Carlos Marrero. Consequently, the PP-CC alliance in the tourist city remained intact for four years.
In 2019, González secured victory once again, bringing his seat count to 8, while the PP also amassed 8 seats. Rodríguez’s CC, however, dropped to 2 seats, their worst performance to date. This marked the arrival of a partnership between the socialists and ACP, who maintained their 3 seats, mirroring the result from 2015. Following four years of collaboration, the PSOE was on the verge of a majority government (increasing from 8 seats to nearly 11, just shy of the required 14), the PP saw a decline to 7 seats (nearly 6), ACP dropped to 2 seats, and CC barely held on to its two seats. Recent events culminated in another vote of no confidence in a deeply polarized town, ushering in another three years of uncertainty. However, amidst the political turmoil, there have been positive indicators such as increased employment rates, hotel occupancy, and economic growth during the traditional off-peak season. Additionally, there is a commitment from the regional Government and the Cabildo to ensure the success of the new alliance.
